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The law of the excluded middle: part III



 I will assume familiarity with my earlier discussions of this issue.

The law of the excluded middle, or LEM, we have found, is useful.  But the most commonly cited reason for taking an absolutist view of LEM is not persuasive.  

So we are ready to modify LEM when there seems to be good reason to do so, whether in the direction of truth gluts or in that of truth gaps. 

Today we arrive at politics.  There is a common argument in political philosophy that depends on the notion of aggression, or the first use of force, as itself always wrong. I think that it is fair to say that every state structure in the world depends on the consent of large portions of the population, in this sense the legitimacy, of a lot of actions that can fairly be described as the first use of force.  Without more, it looks like we must reach anarchistic conclusions: every state structure is wrong. 

That was never a argument of which I was fond, even when I was an anarchist of a sort.  But that is not my point here.  The argument as I have phrased it is a stylized form of the arguments made by Murray Rothbard, Tibor Machan, Robert Nozick and some others of note. [Rothbard is portrayed above.] 

My point is that any such argument relies on a broad notion of what aggression is, an absolutist view of its badness, and -- wait for it -- an absolutist view of the law of the excluded middle. What happens after all if action X is both aggression and not aggression? Or if action X is neither?

Specific example: carbon emissions.  I have come to the conclusion that the well-being if not the survival of humanity requires our collective ability to limit carbon exhausts into our atmosphere.  This may well require the existence of organized structures (perhaps nation-states amongst whom diplomats and international organizations work toward common ends) -- structures that can mandate limits on such emissions, imposing penalties on those who violate the rules. 

Does that mean that individuals enforcing such rules would be aggressing against individuals trying to emit ("on my own land and in peace with my neighbors!" as they might say)? Are all such limits a first use of force and so an aggression. 

I think in such a situation there is a utility in saying "both yes and no." So I think we may all have  a survival interest in acknowledging truth gluts and evading the political inferences that the three above named gentlemen drew from their presumed absence. 


Comments

  1. I think that those emitting carbon exhausts are the aggressors, so enforcing limitations on them would constitute self-defense. Since emissions disperse into the air, "on my own land and in peace with my neighbors!" would not apply.

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    Replies
    1. We could try to rework the idea of aggression in ways that would make that work unequivocally, but my guess is it would be trickier than it looks, and I'd rather accept this as a truth glut. Making it work equivocally.

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